Rusic culture is vertical and horizontal

[Introduction] For a long time, "the North Center Theory" or "the Central Plains Center Theory" has been the mainstream of China’s traditional historical narrative. However, the author believes that there has always been a "southern clue" in the history of China, which is obscure and invisible because of the deliberate neglect of orthodox historical view and the guiding interpretation of political discourse. As a part of diversified history, "Southern Clue" is a key to understand China civilization, interpret China road and judge China fortune. Without this key, our understanding of China, a very large-scale civilized country, will become one-sided and distorted. The author points out that it is necessary to sublate the southern narrative based on the "north-centered theory" or "central plains-centered theory" in the past, and it is particularly important to return the "southern clue" of China history to its original appearance from the standpoint of southern subjectivity. The article originally contained the book "People, Settlements and Regions: A Preliminary Study of the History and Geography of the Middle Ages South" written by Professor Rusic, and was transferred from "Reading with Writing", which only represents the author’s point of view, and is hereby compiled for your consideration.

The southern context of China’s history

▍ Query on the narrative of China’s ancient history with the history of the northern Central Plains as the main clue.

Generally speaking, the traditional exposition of China’s ancient history is mainly based on the historical development of the northern Central Plains, and can even be expressed as a "north-centered theory" or "Central Plains-centered theory". In the interpretation system of China’s ancient history with "dynasty change" as the main narrative clue, the historical development of the southern region is mainly described as the expansion and conquest of the Central Plains by force, and the economic development of the southern region is brought about by the migration of the northern population to the south; Then, the implementation of China-Korea system in the southern region: establishing a powerful bureaucratic system (and various institutional settings attached to the bureaucratic system, such as the system of selecting officials and the legal system, etc.), implementing effective administrative control over the southern region, and bringing the people in these areas into the household registration and taxation system of the dynasty countries; Further, the so-called "enlightenment" was carried out. The dynasty countries promoted the so-called "kingization" through various means or channels, such as the education system, the election system, and the means of reward, recognition and punishment, that is, instilling orthodox ideology into the southern region, "turning barbarians into Chinese" or "turning barbarians into summer", and finally completing the "cultural transformation" of the southern region, that is, the so-called "standardization" of China culture or

For more than half a century, China historians have criticized this historical narrative and interpretation centered on the history of the Central Plains from two aspects: one is the polycentric or pluralistic theory of the origin of China civilization. After years of exploration and efforts by several generations of archaeological and ancient history researchers such as Su Bingqi, Zhang Guangzhi and Shi Xingbang, the monocentric theory that the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River (Central Plains) are the origin of Chinese civilization has been abandoned, and the polycentric theory or pluralism of the origin of China civilization has been widely recognized. Archaeologists and ancient historians have generally agreed that there are at least a few clues about the early civilization of China between 6000 and 4500 years ago:

(1) Yangshao culture-Longshan culture in the Central Plains, with the so-called "Huaxia Group" as the main body (early and middle period); (2) The Dawenkou culture-Shandong Longshan culture with the so-called "Dongyi Group" as the main body from the south of Shandong Peninsula to the Jianghuai area; (3) Majiabang culture-Songze culture-Liangzhu culture with Dongyi Group as the main body in the area around Taihu Lake in the south of the Yangtze River; (4) Daxi culture-Qujialing culture-Shijiahe culture with the so-called "Miao Man Group" as the main body in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River; (5) The northern part of Yanbei and the western part of Liaoning are likely to be Hongshan Culture-post-Hongshan Culture (Xiaoheyan culture) or Xiajiadian culture with the "Huangdi Group" as the main body; (6) South-central Inner Mongolia may also belong to the so-called "Huangdi Group" as the main body of the pre-Yangshao-marine culture-Longshan culture; (7) Xianrendong-Zhucheng-Wucheng culture and Xiqiao Mountain (Linglongyan) culture-Shixia culture in the southern region with Poyang Lake and Pearl River Delta as the main axis; (8) Sanxingdui culture in Bashu area-Twelve Bridges culture.

Although archaeologists and ancient history researchers have many different understandings of the division of these cultural flora and their interrelationships, internal divisions and types, in general, they think that the early civilization in China is composed of different origins, with multiple centers and diverse characteristics, which are mutually integrated, and gradually form a "core" from "diversity".

This kind of reasoning has fundamentally changed the interpretation mode of "dissemination and diffusion" in the study of the history of the origin of civilization, thus bringing a fundamental impact or negation to the so-called "Central Plains culture going south" (and spreading around) ancient history interpretation system.

The second aspect of the overall criticism of the historical narrative and interpretation centered on the history of the Central Plains comes from the research methods and approaches of the South China School on the construction of local society or historical anthropology centered on the southeast coastal areas (focusing on the research of the Pearl River Delta and Xijiang River Basin, Fujian Putian Plain, western Fujian Mountain and Taiwan Province area).

One of the starting points of the study of South China is to try to get rid of the interpretation mode that the dynasty expanded from the central plains to the surrounding areas (including the southern regions) through military expansion, political control and enlightenment, and finally established a unified Chinese empire, but to regard the Chinese empire as a cultural concept. The infiltration of the metaphor of imperial authority into the southern frontier society was not implemented by issuing decrees from top to bottom, but by the local people upgrading their own motivation from bottom to top. They adopted propositions from the political center in a certain historical period, and in the process of building local society, they used these propositions as the language of national order.

In other words, the history of immigration, education, development and cultural communication is not only the history of civilization expansion, but also the expression language of establishing national order based on the power of local society. In this way, in the process of entering the political, economic, social and cultural system of the Chinese Empire, different places have actually gone through different paths and have different connotations. In the words of Mr. David and Mr. Liu Zhiwei, it is: "Under the concept of great unity, there can be great differences in implementing the same system in different time and space. The reason is simple: Ming and Qing empires all have huge regions and populations, and the geographical environment and customs of the eastern, southern, western and northern parts are very different; Different regions also play different roles in the empire; More importantly, even if different regions have experienced a common dynasty history, they have their own local historical processes with very different contents. " Obviously, the charm of South China studies is to show the diversity of historical development and local social construction in the late Chinese Empire.

Comparatively speaking, the study of China’s medieval history is mainly about the history of the Han, Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, Sui, Tang, Song and Yuan Dynasties. Although it also shows some diversified tendencies, generally speaking, it is still based on the historical development of the Central Plains, especially the history of the rise and fall of dynasties. Although great progress has been made in the study of the history of the southern region in the Six Dynasties, the Nine Kingdoms in the Middle and Late Tang Dynasty and the Southern Song Dynasty, we have carefully considered the overall orientation of historical narrative and interpretation in the above three periods, and we can find that:

The relevant research is still mainly focused on its significance to the development of the southern region, emphasizing that the economy and society of the southern region have made great progress during this period, so it can be expressed as "the history of the southern region under the history of the dynasty"; Not on its significance to the historical development of China, but on its significance in the history of China, so it is not "the history of China in the southern region". More importantly, the interpretation and research on the history of the Han Dynasty, the Sui and Tang Dynasties and even the Northern Song Dynasty are basically based on the history of the Central Plains dynasty, and the history of the southern region is basically regarded as a subsidiary position. In fact, we don’t know much about the history of the southern region in this long period, and the proportion in the existing historical narrative and interpretation system of China is also quite light.

There are two important joints:

First, the unified Sui and Tang Dynasties inherited the southern region and the northern Central Plains region, which are actually two historical traditions: the former is the southern tradition since the Six Dynasties, while the latter is the northern tradition mainly formed in the Northern Wei Dynasty, the Eastern and Western Wei Dynasties, the Northern Zhou Dynasty and the Northern Qi Dynasty. As far as the land system, village system and corvee system are concerned, the existing research has fully revealed that the Wei, Jin and Northern Dynasties are a system of the same strain, and its evolution clues are clear. The Six Dynasties, especially the Eastern Jin and Southern Dynasties, is another system, which was different from the Central Plains in the Han Dynasty. During the evolution of the Six Dynasties, the gap with the Central Plains in the north became larger and larger. Then, after the reunification of Sui and Tang Dynasties, how did these two historical traditions gradually merge?

There is a debate about whether there is a so-called "southern dynasty". However, the focus of this debate is on the institutional origin of the unified dynasty in Sui and Tang dynasties, and it has not touched on the issue of how to implement and implement the unified dynasty system in various places. Specifically, the process of the unification of Sui and Tang Dynasties was actually manifested in the conquest of the southern regime by the northern Central Plains Dynasty. Therefore, in terms of system implementation, it was mainly manifested in the establishment of various systems based on the northern Central Plains, such as the Lifang system with closed space as the main feature, the land equalization system with limited land as the core, the household registration system which was far stricter than that of the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the Southern Dynasties, and the mature government and soldiers system during the Western Wei Dynasty and so on. How were they promoted and implemented in the southern region?

In other words, after the unification of Sui and Tang Dynasties, how did these systems, which were mainly formed and evolved step by step in the history of the Northern Dynasties, absorb and how many "southern traditions" since the Six Dynasties? Are the various systems formed after the integration of the northern and southern traditions (mainly the northern tradition) widely implemented in the southern region? If the answer is yes, how are they implemented? For example, in the hilly and mountainous areas scattered in the south, how does the village system with household registration control as the core operate? In the upper and middle reaches of the Yangtze River and the Fujian area in Lingnan, where there are a lot of wasteland, how is the land equalization system aimed at limiting land implemented? How did most of the southern cities, which inherited the city walls and forms since the Six Dynasties, establish the regular Li Fang like Chang ‘an, Luoyang, Pingcheng and Taiyuan? And if our answer is no, then what is the situation? How did the dynasty countries realize their rule in the southern region (of course not the whole southern region)?

The second joint is the southern region inherited after the unification of the Northern Song Dynasty, and actually there are two historical traditions with the northern region as its foundation: Zhao and Song Dynasties were born out of Hebei, Hedong Fanzhen and the Five Dynasties regime in the late Tang Dynasty, and made no difference to each other (Mr. Mao Hanguang had a detailed discussion). What it directly continued was the northern tradition with Hebei and Hedong Fanzhen as its core, which Mr. Chen Yinke called "Hu"

After the Middle Tang Dynasty, the southern region actually embarked on a different or very different road from the northern region: to a great extent, the former and later Shu, Yangwu-Nantang, Qian wuyue and even Machu, Nanhan and Jingnan all continued to move forward on the basis of Li Tang, and inherited the Tang system. Of course, there were many complicated and diverse changes, but its foundation was the Tang system, so there should be no doubt. Then, after the reunification of the Northern Song Dynasty, whether and how did this southern tradition integrate into the unified system of the Northern Song Dynasty? Scholars who study the history of the Song Dynasty used to call it "the system of the Song Dynasty along the Tang Dynasty". So, where did the Song Dynasty inherit the system of the Tang Dynasty? What Tang systems were inherited and developed? To what extent does the reformed system evolved from the Tang system reflect the specific needs of the southern region? How is it implemented everywhere?

The same problem actually existed in the Yuan Dynasty. As we know, the southern region inherited by the Yuan Dynasty is the tradition of the Southern Song Dynasty, which is quite different from the northern tradition that evolved around Yanjing since the Liao and Jin Dynasties. The tradition of the Southern Song Dynasty, at least, was passed down to the Ming Dynasty, which became an important resource for the Hongwu Dynasty to construct a unified system. On this issue, according to Mr. Li Zhian and Mr. Zheng Zhenman in recent years, they all have some in-depth and interesting thoughts from different angles, which are worthy of attention. Therefore, the southern history of Ming and Qing dynasties should be in line with the tradition since the Southern Song Dynasty.

If we carry out in-depth thinking and research on the above issues, we may be able to trace the "southern context in China history" (not the development clue of southern history); Perhaps, sorting out the "southern context" will help us to understand the historical development of China. This is one of the starting points of my thinking about the ancient history of China in recent years.

▍ A preliminary analysis of the records of medieval historical documents in southern China.

In order to reconstruct the narrative and interpretation system of southern history and comprehensively think about the southern context of China’s historical development, the first step should be to comprehensively sort out and analyze the historical documents, archaeological materials and oral materials obtained from field investigation, so as to clarify their values and limitations.

Before 2003, like most researchers, I believed in the social, economic, cultural and even environmental records of the South in traditional literature, so as to study problems. For example, the descriptions of "the land of Chu and Yue" in Biography of Historical Records and Geography of Han Dynasty were used as the basic materials to understand the situation in the South during the Han Dynasty. Later, it was slowly discovered that there was something wrong here: these documents were basically written by northern scholars, with a strong Chinese color or the concept of central plains, and their descriptions of southern people, economy, society and culture could only reflect their understanding, rather than the objective actual situation. The initial suspicion came from the different descriptions of Jinghu Road (Jingxi Road and Jinghu Road) in Song and Yuan Dynasties: in the Southern Song Dynasty, such as Lu You, Wang Shipeng and Lu Jiuyuan, Jingxi Road and Jinghu Road were desolate and very backward; After forty years of war in Song and Meng Dynasties, under the pen of northern scholars in Mongolia and Yuan Dynasties, the Jinghu area turned out to be very rich. This sharp contrast made me start to think about who left these records: of course, the scholars of the Southern Song Dynasty, mainly from the East-West and Zhejiang roads in the south of the Yangtze River, despised Jinghu Road, while some authors from the north and even the Western Regions and Mongolia obviously lamented the richness of these areas.

Starting from this, I began to systematically ponder the sources, types and values of historical documents recorded in the southern region of the Middle Ages. After several years of exploration, I now preliminarily divide these documents (materials) into the following categories in terms of their sources:

The first is the narration and writing of Chinese scholars (Central Plains scholars).

It is believed that at least before the Northern Song Dynasty (including the Northern Song Dynasty), most of the main written materials about the historical records of the South belonged to this part. Its core part is the southern historical materials found in official history books and chronological history books, which is the basic basis traditionally used to construct the clues of southern historical development. Now, we know that this part of the material mainly reflects the Chinese scholars’ understanding of the social, economic and cultural conditions in the south of their time, and it is the narrative and interpretation of the history of the south by the "other" (external observers).

We need to carefully analyze the records and interpretations of these documents to see which of them may reflect some realities of southern history, or adopt the interpretation of the southern society itself, and which parts are just the subjective imagination or understanding of the "other" ("external" observers) and their times. We should start with the southern images in Chunqiu Zuozhuan and Guoyu, and then investigate the "historical sources" of southern historical records in official history such as Shiji and Hanshu-what are their sources. The History of the Three Kingdoms and the Four History of the Southern Dynasties include many southern factors, but the credibility still comes from the hands of scholars who have or hold the view of Huaxia. The Book of Jin, Sui Shu, History of the South and History of the North, which were compiled in the early Tang Dynasty, are typical examples of reinterpreting the history of the South under the unified situation. The old and new Tang Shu and the History of the Five Dynasties compiled in the Five Dynasties and the Northern Song Dynasty are similar to this. Not to mention the history of Song, Yuan and Ming. These official histories have constructed the basic framework for the narrative and interpretation of southern history by traditional historiography. We should "deconstruct" this narrative tradition from here now, and point out that all this is just the understanding and narration of the southern history under the orthodoxy of the dynasty and the central view of the Central Plains, and it is not the "own" history of the south, so it cannot better explain the significance of the historical development of the southern region in the historical development of China.

Second, the narrative and writing of southern scholars based on the "South".

I’m not sure how to define "Southern Scholars" and how to base on "South". I only have a vague idea. Of course, birth and growth environment are the first consideration, but the key lies in whether its narrative and interpretation hold a position of "sympathy" with the southern society (in the same situation) Scholars in the south are based on the narration and writing in the south, and this tradition can at least be traced back to Qu Yuan and Chu Ci. I thought that the narration in the south had a considerable influence in the early Han Dynasty (before Emperor Wu), and the emphasis on Zhang Chu in The Moon Table at the Time of Qin Chu in Historical Records may be due to this, while Sima Qian’s narration about Wu, Chu and Yue may also be mainly derived from the narrative tradition of the south, which was tailored. Huayang Guozhi, Yuejueshu, and the geography and landscape travel notes of the Six Dynasties all deserve careful analysis. These works of the Six Dynasties show the efforts of southern scholars to make their own narrative and interpretation of their own local history. Unfortunately, this kind of effort was neither persistent nor short-lived, and was soon overwhelmed.

Most southern scholars in the late Tang and Five Dynasties yearned for the Central Plains and the Tang Dynasty (or pretended to be the real Tang Dynasty), so there were few writings based on the south. However, wuyue of Qian’s family and Shu of Meng’s family (even Fujian of Wang’s family) are all interested in their own "cultural construction", so they also left some records based on the south, which need to be analyzed. The narrative and writing tradition of southern scholars in the Northern Song Dynasty is basically based on the Central Plains or China. During the Southern Song Dynasty, even in the Yuan Dynasty, the focus of scholar-officials shifted to "local" (Han Mingshi revealed the situation of this shift in the Southern Song Dynasty, and I thought this shift was basically completed in the Yuan Dynasty), which prompted them to base themselves more on the South and describe and write the history of the South.

During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the narration and writing of southern scholars presented a complex and diverse situation: on the one hand, a considerable number of narration and writing traditions, which may occupy the mainstream position, were still based on the position of the Central Plains or China, and through these narratives and explanations, the history and culture of the South were successfully incorporated into the historical and cultural system of China or China centered on the Central Plains; On the other hand, the narrative and writing mainly based on the south, especially the specific local society, has gradually formed into a new tradition. Although this tradition is often covered under the topic of "the position and role of a certain place and its society in the history of China", it is actually based on the local area, aiming at emphasizing the characteristics and importance of the local area, and thus gradually building a historical view and historical knowledge system based on the local society.

Genealogy (although genealogy has always been defined as folk literature, in fact, it is still the scholars and their concepts that play a major role in the process of genealogy revision, so genealogy still belongs to the narrative tradition of scholars or literati) embodies these two seemingly contradictory narrative and interpretation directions: on the one hand, it should be upward, emphasizing its long history, so as to connect with "Central Plains", "Huaxia" and its culture; On the other hand, it should be downward, highlighting the dominant position and important influence of this race in local society. The research on genealogy has fully revealed this point.

The third is the narration and interpretation of the "people" in the south.

Here, it mainly refers to the literature materials other than the narration and writing of scholars, mainly including religious documents such as contracts (positive contracts and hidden contracts), scientific instruments, religious materials such as statues and monuments, folk historical legends and stories, some materials in genealogy, and non-written materials such as statues and pictures.

I think these are the real "folk documents". They are documents that people need and use. Such as contracts, most of them are not written by scholar-officials (even if they are written by scholar-officials, they are not written as "scholar-officials"), and the bookkeepers (calligraphers and signers) are not scholar-officials, but the people understand the meaning and significance of these contracts (the process of "selling wine" and reading aloud in the process of book signing enable both parties and related parties to understand their meaning) and widely adopt this form. These words or images reflect people’s narratives and ideas about their own history. For example, the stipulation of "never forgive" in the contract of Tang and Song Dynasties, and the existence and expression of a large number of white deeds in the contract of Ming and Qing Dynasties all imply the people’s indifference to the power of the dynasty or the state to varying degrees, indicating that there has always been some kind of system outside the power of the dynasty. I believe that by combing these words and images, we can get a glimpse of some realities of people’s lives in southern China and build a historical understanding based on the people (or the people).

Sorting out and discriminating the above-mentioned records, reflecting the clues of the historical development of the South and the literature materials at several levels, and analyzing: (1) Who wrote it and how did he know it? That is, the analysis of historiography; (2) Why did he write like this? Instead of writing it like that? How did he integrate those divergent data, and what considerations were there between the choices? The main method is to analyze the differences between different records and the reasons for this difference. I call this "analysis of history writing"; (3) What did he write these for? That is, why did he write these? That is, the analysis of writing purpose and intention. Only by understanding these problems can we use these materials freely and then discuss the historical development of the southern region. At the same time, through these works, we can also establish a characteristic "historical philology".

▍ The starting point of research and the development of research work (ideas and ideas)

On the basis of the above preliminary thoughts (in fact, these thoughts were gradually formed in the following research process), I began to try to carry out some special research work. Because my work foundation and data accumulation are mainly in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River, especially in the Hanshui River Basin, the relevant special research naturally begins in the middle reaches of the Yangtze River. In the past five years of thinking and research, some ideas have gradually formed, most of which have not yet been implemented, just some ideas and research ideas.

(1) the origin, ethnic division and essence of the residents (or population) in the south

One of the core clues about the historical development of the southern region in the traditional China historical interpretation system is that the northern population moved southward and the resulting changes in the composition and distribution of the southern population, while the economic development, social development and even the establishment of political control order in the southern region were all realized with the northern population moving southward. Therefore, if we want to rebuild the cognitive and explanatory system of southern history, we must re-understand this system.

After several years of thinking and preliminary discussion, I think that the above-mentioned argument system is at least incomplete, or there is deviation in the direction, and I have initially formed some rough views: the main part of the resident population in the southern region (generally speaking) is gradually developed from the indigenous population in the southern region; Northern immigrants and their descendants, although the proportion in southern regions is not the same, generally speaking, do not account for the majority of the total population (in all periods); In the traditional interpretation system, it is probably wrong to say that most of the population in the south can be traced back to the Central Plains in the north.

Therefore, the first step we need to do is to distinguish the historical truth and "cultural creation" of "the population of the south comes from the north". Therefore, it is necessary to re-examine the influence of several large-scale migration movements of northern population to the south in the history of China on the population composition and distribution in the south, and make an overall assessment. In particular, the three migration movements (after Yongjia Rebellion, Anshi Rebellion and Jingkang Rebellion) that have long been regarded as changing the population composition in the south and triggering the so-called wave of development in the south and their influences are the key to the problem. It can be believed that these three migration movements have increased the population in the southern region, but compared with the indigenous hukou in the southern region, the northern immigrants and their descendants may not have absolute advantages (this requires careful literature research and data analysis). The basic composition of household registration in the southern region is still the indigenous people in the south.

Scholars in South China’s research on the clans in Guangdong and Fujian, especially the interpretation of genealogy by Mr. Liu Zhiwei and Mr. Zheng Zhenman, have quite fully proved that most of the legends or records about their ancestors from the Central Plains in Guangdong and Fujian are just a kind of "cultural construction", and this "historical memory" is just a means to transform themselves into members with "legal" status in the imperial order. Therefore, the path of using genealogical data to study immigration history has to be reconsidered.

The second step is to further identify: (1) who are these indigenous people in the south-what are their characteristics; (2) How are they defined, and how do they define themselves? (3) How are these southern aborigines gradually considered (as they themselves think) to be "from the Central Plains", that is, how is the "Southern residents originated from the Central Plains" established, and what is the essence of this statement. Of course, these problems need to be investigated in different periods. It involves some important issues in the history of "ethnic groups" in the south, such as the origin and evolution of Yue, Man, Ba, Liao and Yi, and the nature of ethnic groups. Our general tendency is to think that these ethnic groups or ethnic groups in the south in history can basically be regarded as "ethnic names" added by Chinese scholars from the outside on the indigenous people in the south, rather than their own definitions. Therefore, it is not their own definition. With a considerable part of them, they were gradually incorporated into the edition system of the dynasty countries, accepted the words and culture representing "Chinese civilization", and gradually moved from "externalization" to "internalization", and then divorced from their indigenous background and rewritten as "Chinese immigrants from the Central Plains" (they themselves, especially their elites and literati, played a vital role in this rewriting process).

By understanding the above two points, we can reinterpret the population development, distribution and ethnic nature in southern China. The standpoint of discussing this issue should be anthropological, not ethnological. Only by putting our discussion on the background of the composition of the population (immigrants and aborigines) can we avoid many controversial issues such as the so-called national definition and division, and focus on: Who is the main body of the historical development of the South? Northern immigrants suppress southern natives?

(B) the southern types of ancient institutions and the southern road of institutional evolution.

Another core clue of the traditional China historical interpretation system about the historical development of the southern region is that the dynasty countries gradually established the political, economic and cultural systems of the dynasty in the southern region through various means and channels, and through these systems and their operation, the southern regions were steadily and firmly brought into the control system of the dynasty countries. "Institution" has always been the core of the study of China’s ancient history, and it is also regarded as the most important way for the dynasty countries to control the southern region (and other regions).

There are two prerequisites for this explanation: (1) the centralization of absolutism is powerful and has enough power to implement its system in various regions; (2) Because of the first point, the implementation and operation of the "system" in various places are at least relatively uniform or consistent. However, the existing research has questioned these two premises. Therefore, we are thinking: is it possible to form a "southern type" (or more local types) according to local conditions in the process of implementing various institutional designs of dynasty countries in the southern region? And does the evolution of this system show some kind of "southern road"? On this issue, my current thinking focuses on the following four aspects:

(1) My thinking starts from the village system.

We know that the village system, which gradually sprouted in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period, and was established in the Qin and Han Dynasties, especially in the Han Dynasty, was actually based on the villages in the northern region. Unearthed documents such as Juyan Han Bamboo Slips revealed that all the residents lived in a "village" surrounded by earth walls or fences, thus forming a relatively uniform living style and village system. The bamboo slips of Han and Three Kingdoms published in Jiangling, Changsha, Jiangdu and other places in the south show that there are no such concentrated settlements in the south, but scattered in small-scale scattered villages, and even many natural villages have only two or three households or even one household, and there is no evidence that there will be soil walls around such natural villages!

Obviously, in the scattered state, the implementation of the village system of "100 households as the interior" can only adopt flexible methods: giving priority to the region, dividing the land as the interior, and integrating the interior into the township, that is, the village system is manifested as "regional organization", and its foundation is the region, not the village. This is the variation between the village system in the south and the village system in the north (the standard system determined by the dynasty countries) in the implementation process, and this variation has a great influence on the later evolution because it happened at the source.

(2) The second starting point of my thinking is the cities in the south and the systems inside and outside the cities.

As we know, the city is a symbol of the power of the dynasty, so it requires the shape and structure of the city (the city under its jurisdiction, the same below) to follow the requirements of the so-called "ritual system" as much as possible. Many experts who study the architectural history of China emphasize the observance of Kao Gong Ji in the construction of ancient cities. In the north, we have also seen a large number of square ancient city walls that meet the requirements of the system. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the municipalities in the southern region also tried to abide by these regulations, but they did not do well enough, and they still showed some tendency of being impolite. Most importantly, they seemed to be more inclined to abide by the requirements of topography, actual needs and "Feng Shui". Topography, actual needs and the southern city shape under the principle of Feng Shui, and the northern city under the principle of etiquette show two directions of ancient city shape-of course, what we see now is more likely the result of the joint action of these two directions. In the same way, I tried to see how the Lifang system in the Sui and Tang Dynasties was implemented in the cities in the southern region.

In the article "Lifang System and Its Form in Local Cities in Tang Dynasty", I argued that in the early and middle period of Tang Dynasty, except for a few cities under the jurisdiction of prefectures and counties with newly built or completely rebuilt battlements, most local cities did not have closed Lifang surrounded by square walls or fences; In the city of Luocheng, the state capital that continues to use the old city wall, and in the city where the city wall has not been established, there are also Li and Fang belonging to the urban and rural grass-roots administrative organization system. After the "An Shi Rebellion", the Lifang system was widely implemented as most cities and some county towns were generally built or expanded. These Li Fang are mainly grass-roots administrative units organized for the purpose of household registration control, tax collection and public security, and their form is a block centered on streets and lanes and spread to both sides. At the same time, there are markets in the suburbs of many cities, which further shows that even in the early and middle Tang Dynasty, urban commercial activities were not completely confined to the closed "market square".

In other words, when the Lifang system was established in the Sui Dynasty and the early Tang Dynasty, most cities in the southern region followed the pattern since the Six Dynasties, and there was no Lifang system at all. However, after the mid-Tang Dynasty, the southern government officials generally carried out the Tang system including the Lifang system in the southern region, especially in the cities where Jiezhen was stationed. This explanation is quite different from the explanation of Lifang system (or Fangshi system) since Kato Fanfan, which further affects how we understand the direction of urban development in Song Dynasty.

(3) The third aspect I think about is the establishment and division of administrative regions in southern China.

It is generally believed that administrative division is a regional and hierarchical administrative system under the unified centralized state, and it is the division and stratification of the areas ruled by the centralized central government from top to bottom, that is, the so-called "national economy". In fact, the formation and division of administrative districts is a more complicated process, which is often not due to the system design of the central government, but the result of a series of political, economic, military and even personnel factors. Local political changes, regional political patterns, local political forces, economic ups and downs, military actions, strategies and other factors will have a great impact on the formation and changes of local administrative districts.

For example, the establishment of Xunyang County in the first year of Yongxing in the Western Jin Dynasty (304) was one of the measures taken to further strengthen the control of the middle reaches of the Yangtze River after the Zhangchang Uprising was settled; In the first year of Yongjia (307), the expansion of Xunyang County’s territory and the increase of counties were probably related to Huayi’s efforts to win over local forces in Xunyang. During Yongjia’s two to five years, Xunyang County moved to the south, which was probably due to Huayi’s conservative Jiangzhou and shrinking the defense line. By the end of the Eastern Jin Dynasty, the merger of Xunyang and Shangjia provinces and the reduction of Songzi and Hongnong counties to Xunyang counties were part of the rectification measures of Liu Yujing and Jiang, mainly to weaken the strength of Jing and Jiang counties. The "Shannan Road" in the early Tang Dynasty was not defined by the courtiers according to the map and the "shape of mountains and rivers" at that time, but the inheritance and development of the ever-changing geographical concept and political geographical pattern since the Western Wei and Northern Zhou Dynasties and even the Jin and Northern Wei Dynasties, which actually had its specific political, military and even economic and cultural basis. In other words, the division of the ten roads in Zhenguan and the determination of their geographical scope can be explained not only by the word "mountains and rivers form convenience", but also by its profound historical, political and geographical background. Such as Henan and Hebei roads, are obviously closely related to the political and geographical pattern and its changes since the Northern Wei, Eastern Wei and Northern Qi Dynasties. Therefore, if we want to explore the origin of the "Ten Ways of Zhenguan" in the early Tang Dynasty and the principle of its division, we must combine the changes in geographical concepts and political geographical patterns since the Jin and Wei Dynasties to understand it.

(4) The fourth aspect I think about is the implementation of the service law.

Shuowen says, "We should serve and defend the border. Ancient prose works from people. " "Fu, convergence also," "rent, land tax also". It is the king’s law to make up families and people to pay for service. In the study of the history of China’s tax service system, Fu has been paid more attention to, and its evolution is also roughly clear; However, the research on service is relatively weak, and many joints are not quite understood. At first, I paid attention to the difference of the service law between the north and the south. I read the section of "Food and Water Conservancy" in Song Dynasty, and noticed that the service of river engineering in the northern part of the Northern Song Dynasty was very heavy, while it was basically absent in the south (south of Huaihe River). Later, I systematically read the research of Mr. Zhang Zexian, Mr. Zheng Xuemeng and Mr. Wang Yuquan, that is, I was quite concerned about the differences in the implementation of the service law in different times. However, this field is very difficult, and I haven’t been able to enter it yet. I just have some immature ideas, which may be the most laborious part in the future research.

Military service and compulsory service are the core parts of the corvee system in the Middle Ages, and they are also the most burdensome services for compiling families and people. I tried to discuss the similarities and differences between military service in the northern and southern dynasties from the perspective of military service, but I haven’t figured it out yet.

Generally speaking, the Northern Dynasties gradually developed from the tribal military system to the government military system, and the army and the people were basically separated. Therefore, although the Han people were frequently recruited as soldiers, for example, when Emperor Xiaowen of the Northern Wei Dynasty went south, the people of the prefectures and counties were sent, and "one out of every ten people was charged", but before the reform of the government military system by Emperor Wu of Zhou, the military service burden of Han farmers was generally not very heavy. However, the Southern Dynasties were quite different. Since Sun Wu, people were frequently recruited as soldiers. By the Eastern Jin Dynasty and the Southern Dynasties, the so-called "three-to-five selection system" was formed. For example, in the 27th year of Yuan Jia in Liu Song Dynasty (450), he "sent three or five people to Yanzhou in the south"; "In the fifth year of Daming (461), three or five ding were issued". The so-called three-five-ding system means that five ding takes three. The military service of the Han people was more important than that of the Northern Dynasties. And the service period is very long. Bao Zhao’s poem says: "Young people leave home, but poor people are still getting started"; "I went to my hometown for 30 years, and I got back to my old hill." This is the north and south systems of military service. The Northern Zhou Dynasty and Sui Dynasty unified the south and gradually extended the government military system to the south. However, there were few government houses in the south, and most of them were beyond the Yangtze River, so the burden of military service in the south was greatly reduced. Therefore, after the reunification of the Sui and Tang Dynasties, the law of military service in the north was promoted to the south.

In the article "Fang Yu Haozu in Shannan in the Western Wei and Northern Zhou Dynasties", I tried to explain how the government soldier system was promoted to Shannan with the conquest of the Western Wei and Northern Zhou Dynasties on the basis of Mao Hanguang’s research.

If the military service in the southern region in the Middle Ages was relatively light, the transportation service was relatively heavy. During the Sui and Tang Dynasties, a large amount of grain was transported northward every year to the south of Jianghuai, resulting in "the left side of the river was trapped and lost", and "the water was dragged by the land, and the spring was endless, and people were forced to seize agriculture. What do you expect when you die? Kanto resented." After the Anshi Rebellion, the Tang Dynasty paid tribute to the southeast wealth, saying, "Recruit teachers from all directions, turn to pay thousands of miles, pay for cars and horses, and send them far and near, and all the people will work hard [hard] (stop)." Or face each other repeatedly in one day, or don’t understand the armor for years, and the sacrifice is lacking, and the family is in vain. Life and death are displaced, and grievances are condensed. The labor is endless, and the land is barren. Life is harsh and demanding, and fatigue is empty. Turn to the ravine, leave the township, and the hills in the city are cut off. " This is the situation of Dezong dynasty in Shannan, Huainan and Jiangnan. This shows the importance of the transportation service in the south.

In a word, the important system designs in ancient China, such as the village system, the city lane system, and the tax service system, were mainly based on the northern region, and were generally adapted to the geography, economic production mode and social conditions in the northern region. Therefore, when these systems were implemented in the southern region, they must be modified, so the "southern type of system" was produced; Because at the beginning of implementation, it was not consistent with the system design and regulations, and in the later evolution process, more and more southern characteristics were formed, thus developing the "southern road of institutional evolution." The southern types of these systems and their evolution of the southern road, in turn, affected the system design itself, which became more and more important later, making the ancient system gradually "southward."

(3) Folk beliefs and rituals in southern China

Since 2003, I have devoted a large part of my time and energy to the study of land purchase vouchers. I have studied these land purchase vouchers for three reasons:

First, it is a real folk document, which is written by people who are not very literate or completely illiterate. Most of the writers are geographers, Mr. Yin and Yang, monks and Taoist priests, not scholars.

Second, people in this world, whether rich or poor, will die. Therefore, how to treat and deal with death is a major event in life. By buying land coupons, we can get a glimpse of how ancient people viewed and how to deal with the problem of death.

Third, the source of land purchase vouchers is the land-telling policy made by Chu in the late Warring States and the Western Han Dynasty. Therefore, I tend to regard it as the early tradition of dealing with death in some parts of the south (the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River or the whole Yangtze River basin). According to the materials of the Han, Wei and Six Dynasties, Wu Yijun and Andu Wang may be the earlier ghost kings in the south, which may be another source of origin, different from Taishan Shenjun in the north. In other words, before Buddhism was introduced and became a popular belief, the idea of the underworld in the south was quite different from that in the north. From the Chu Dynasty to the Han Dynasty, it was a death treatment system that originated from the south, especially from Chu. Of course, in the Tang and Song Dynasties, this tradition affected all parts of the country, even the northwest (Dunhuang and Turpan materials), and this can be regarded as the expansion of southern folk beliefs, or the process in which northern beliefs were influenced by southern beliefs.

The second aspect is about the folk funeral ceremony. This problem is actually an extension of the previous one, because the study of land purchase vouchers only deals with written materials and is not a living history. Then, how to see through its ancient ritual tradition in contemporary anthropological observation? A few friends, mainly Professor Liu Yonghua, and I have been exploring this problem constantly. Yonghua’s interpretation of the text of the scientific instrument book has helped me a lot. However, the writing tradition can reach many people, no matter how big its application scope is; In a ceremony, participants are limited, but the degree of participation of participants is far more than reading or listening to the expression of words.

Therefore, the ceremony and its process can best show the locality. Since Wu Yashi, many scholars who have studied folk belief rituals have focused on observing the refraction or deposition of the state power system from the ceremony, which is of course an important aspect, but I think that many rituals are mainly made for local society and local people, so they need to be understood and recognized by the people, so it is "local". The locality of the ceremony may be one of the focuses of my anthropological view of ancient history. But I don’t know exactly how to do it.

(D) the diversity of people’s livelihood and the diversification of economic forms in the southern region.

In the traditional historical interpretation system of China, the general narrative mode of economic development is: population increase (labor force increase) → land increase (field increase) → productivity increase (mainly manifested in the promotion of iron farm tools and Niu Geng, the development of irrigation and water conservancy, and the latter is mainly manifested in the development of agricultural economy (the increase of total agricultural products) → the development of commodity exchange and commodity crop cultivation → the development of handicraft economy. This narrative and interpretation of the history of economic development is mainly in terms of simple farming areas, and it is not suitable for the northern region, especially the areas where farming and animal husbandry run concurrently.

As far as the southern region is concerned, people’s livelihood depends on two important aspects: mountain forest (mainly gathering, fruit tree planting and logging) and rivers, lakes and oceans (fishing and breeding), in addition to farming with rice as the core. Therefore, the "agricultural resources" in the southern region are different from those in the northern Central Plains, which rely on "land" relatively simply, so the structure of its agricultural economy is different from that in the northern region. In this way, it is the first step to study the structure of agricultural economy in southern China from the perspective of resources. The ownership of mountain forest and water surface may be an important starting point for studying this issue.

Because the agricultural economy does not simply rely on "fields" and the sources of livelihood are diversified, the exchange between different types of products is likely to become inevitable. I guess the frequency of exchange and trade in the southern region is higher than that in the northern region, and the degree of development of commodity economy may be higher than that in the northern region, especially later. In other words, the commercial tradition in the southern region is relatively developed than that in the northern region. In this way, the diversified economic forms in the southern region are formed: (1) farming economy dominated by rice farming, (2) forest economy dominated by fruit tree cultivation and forest logging, (3) fishery economy dominated by fishing and breeding, and (4) primitive commodity economy mainly characterized by product exchange. The diversity of land resources and their utilization forms is the basis of the diversity of economic forms. Diversified economic forms, or diversified ways of livelihood, make the life of southern residents relatively less scarce, so the economic development in the southern region is relatively stable, unlike the ups and downs in the northern region. This is an important reason why the social and economic development in the southern region is relatively stable and there is no major fracture.

Diversified economic forms, mainly rice farming and supplemented by fishing and hunting economy, have greatly influenced the social and economic life in southern China.

Biography of Historical Records of Huo Zhi says: "The land of Chu and Yue is vast and crowded, with rice and fish in soup, or ploughed with fire and water, and clams are harvested, not waiting for Jia." If the land is spared food, there will be no hunger, so it will drag out an ignoble existence, and there will be more poverty without accumulation. It is the south of the old river and Huaihe River. There are no people who are frozen and hungry, and there is no family of thousands of dollars. "

The records of southern counties in Hanshu Geography also confirmed Sima Qian’s description. For example, Ba, Shu and Guanghan, "the southern part of the country is yi, and the Qin Dynasty thought it was a county. The land is fertile, and there are rivers and rivers, and the bamboo trees in the mountains are spared from eating fruits." South Jia Dian, Bo Tong, west near Qiong, Yong Ma Luo Niu. People eat rice and fish, and they are worried about their deaths. They are not worried about vulgarity, but they are easy to be slutty and weak. " From the south to the two counties of Bo ‘er and Zhuya on Hainan Island, it is also known as "men’s farming, planting rice and hemp, and women’s silkworm weaving."

It describes a decentralized, self-sufficient and autonomous society in relatively equal, which is in sharp contrast with centralization and autocracy in the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River. As far as the basic mode of production is concerned, rice farming needs clear fields and ridges, as well as irrigation and drainage facilities; Compared with dryland agriculture, rice farming needs higher technology and more careful management. Therefore, people engaged in rice farming tend to be more stable than farmers who grow dry land, and are easy to develop fine and skillful qualities, which is conducive to the development of some handicrafts with higher skills. Abundant aquatic products and mountain forest resources provide stable and reliable supplementary food. All these have promoted the formation of self-sufficient life style under rice farming.

At the same time, the early rice farming in the southern region was mainly carried out in the valley and the edge of the plain, so small-scale cooperation could be carried out, and the requirement for large-scale cooperation was not very strong, which made small-scale family production possible.

On the other hand, the dense river network in the plain lake area or the rugged roads in mountainous areas all urge farmers to live as close as possible to the cultivated land, and diaspora has become the dominant rural settlement form in the southern region. In a word, the economic pattern of rice-based agriculture largely determines the tendency of decentralization, self-sufficiency and even autonomy in the southern region.

The last aspect of this thinking should be "the southern origin of the development of traditional China thought", including (1) the "southernization" of Confucianism, (2) Buddhism and Buddhism in the southern region, and (3) the southern origin and evolution of Taoism, a local religion in China. These problems haven’t been considered yet, but in 2010, I wrote an article "Textual Research on the Inscriptions of Thousand Buddhas and Stone Pagodas in Wenzhou Longwan Guoan Temple in Song Dynasty", which is considered as the beginning of research in this field, and I can’t say what I have learned.

Most of the ideas mentioned here have not been put into practice, and they should be adjusted or even greatly changed in the future research. But in the next ten years, I will probably continue to explore along the direction and logic mentioned in this article, hoping to gradually form some mature and meaningful understandings.

This article was originally published by Professor Rusic, People, Settlements and Regions: A Preliminary Study on the History and Geography of Middle Ages South (Xiamen University Press, 2012), and was transferred from "Reading with Writing" with the original title of "The Southern Context of China History". Limited by space, the content is slightly revised. The picture comes from the internet. If there is any infringement, please contact to delete it. Personal sharing is welcome, please contact the copyright party for media reprinting.

Original title: "Rediscovering the South: Another Road Behind China’s Historical Doubt | Cultural Horizon"

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　　CCTV News:According to the website of the National Bureau of Statistics, the basic situation of the national real estate market in the first half of 2023 is announced as follows:

　　I. Completion of investment in real estate development

　　In the first half of the year, the national investment in real estate development was 5,855 billion yuan, down by 7.9% year-on-year (see Note 6 for details in terms of comparable caliber); Among them, residential investment was 4,443.9 billion yuan, down 7.3%.

　　In the first half of the year, the housing construction area of real estate development enterprises was 7,915.48 million square meters, down 6.6% year-on-year. Among them, the residential construction area was 5,570.83 million square meters, down 6.9%. The newly started housing area was 498.8 million square meters, down by 24.3%. Among them, the newly started residential area was 363.4 million square meters, down by 24.9%. The completed housing area was 339.04 million square meters, an increase of 19.0%. Among them, the completed residential area was 246.04 million square meters, an increase of 18.5%.

　　Second, the sale and sale of commercial housing

　　In the first half of the year, the sales area of commercial housing was 595.15 million square meters, down 5.3% year-on-year, of which the sales area of residential housing decreased by 2.8%. The sales of commercial housing reached 6,309.2 billion yuan, up by 1.1%, of which residential sales increased by 3.7%.

　　At the end of June, the area of commercial housing for sale was 641.59 million square meters, a year-on-year increase of 17.0%. Among them, the residential area for sale increased by 18.0%.

　　Three, the real estate development enterprise funds in place

　　In the first half of the year, real estate development enterprises received 6,879.7 billion yuan in funds, down 9.8% year-on-year. Among them, domestic loans were 869.1 billion yuan, down by 11.1%; The utilization of foreign capital was 2.8 billion yuan, down by 49.1%; Self-raised funds were 2,056.1 billion yuan, down by 23.4%; Deposits and advance receipts were 2,427.5 billion yuan, down by 0.9%; Personal mortgage loans reached 1,242.9 billion yuan, up by 2.7%.

　　Fourth, the real estate development boom index

　　In June, the real estate development boom index (referred to as "national housing boom index") was 94.06.

　　annotations

　　1. Interpretation of indicators

　　Investment completed by real estate development enterprises this year: refers to all the investment completed during the reporting period for housing construction projects, land development projects, public welfare buildings and land purchase fees. This indicator is cumulative data.

　　Sales area of commercial housing: refers to the total contracted area of newly-built commercial housing sold during the reporting period (i.e. the construction area confirmed in the formal sales contract signed by both parties). This indicator is cumulative data.

　　Sales of commercial housing: refers to the total contract price of selling new commercial housing during the reporting period (i.e. the total contract price confirmed in the formal sales contract signed by both parties). This indicator is the same caliber as the sales area of commercial housing, and it is also cumulative data.

　　Sale area of commercial housing: refers to the construction area of commercial housing that has been completed for sale or lease at the end of the reporting period, but has not been sold or leased, including the housing areas completed in previous years and completed in this period, but excluding the housing areas that have been completed in the reporting period, such as demolition and reconstruction, unified construction and agent construction, public supporting buildings, real estate companies’ own use and revolving houses, which cannot be sold or leased.

　　Funds paid by real estate development enterprises this year: refers to all kinds of monetary funds and source channels actually used by real estate development enterprises for real estate development during the reporting period. It is subdivided into domestic loans, utilization of foreign capital, self-raised funds, deposits and advance receipts, personal mortgage loans and other funds. This indicator is cumulative data.

　　Housing construction area: refers to the total housing construction area constructed by real estate development enterprises during the reporting period. Including the area newly started in this period, the area of houses that entered this period in the previous period and continued to be constructed, the area of houses that were suspended in the previous period and resumed construction in this period, the area of houses completed in this period and the area of houses that were suspended after construction in this period. The construction area of multi-storey buildings refers to the sum of the construction areas of each floor.

　　Newly started housing area: refers to the newly started housing area of real estate development enterprises during the reporting period, with unit projects as the accounting object. It does not include the construction area of houses that started construction in the last period and continued construction in the reporting period, and the construction area that stopped construction in the last period and resumed work in this period. The construction of the house shall be based on the date when the house officially begins to break ground and dig trenches (foundation treatment or permanent piling). The newly started building area refers to the total building area of the whole building and cannot be calculated separately.

　　Completed building area: refers to the total building area of all buildings that have been completed according to the design requirements, reached the living and use conditions, passed the acceptance inspection or reached the completion acceptance standard, and can be officially handed over for use during the reporting period.

　　2. Statistical scope

　　All real estate development and operation legal entities with development and operation activities.

　　3. Investigation methods

　　Conduct a comprehensive survey on a monthly basis (except January).

　　4. Brief description of the national real estate development boom index.

　　The national real estate development boom index (hereinafter referred to as "national housing boom index") follows the theory of economic cycle fluctuation, is based on the boom cycle theory and boom cycle analysis method, uses time series, multivariate statistics and econometric analysis methods, takes real estate development investment as the benchmark index, selects relevant indicators of real estate investment, capital, area and sales, and excludes the influence of seasonal factors, including random factors. It is compiled by the growth rate cycle method, and is compiled monthly according to the newly added data. The national housing boom index chooses 2012 as the base year and sets its growth level at 100. Under normal circumstances, the national housing boom index is 100 points, which is the most suitable boom level, with a moderate boom level between 95 and 105 points, a low boom level below 95 and a high boom level above 105.

　　5. Division of East, Central, West and Northeast China

　　The eastern region includes 10 provinces (cities) including Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei, Shanghai, Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Fujian, Shandong, Guangdong and Hainan; The central region includes six provinces of Shanxi, Anhui, Jiangxi, Henan, Hubei and Hunan. The western region includes 12 provinces (cities and autonomous regions) including Inner Mongolia, Guangxi, Chongqing, Sichuan, Guizhou, Yunnan, Xizang, Shaanxi, Gansu, Qinghai, Ningxia and Xinjiang. Northeast China includes Liaoning, Jilin and Heilongjiang provinces.

　　6. Description of year-on-year growth rate

　　The growth rate of real estate development investment, commercial housing sales area and other indicators are calculated according to comparable caliber. There are incomparable factors between the data of the reporting period and the published data of the same period last year, so it is impossible to directly compare and calculate the growth rate. The main reasons are as follows: (1) Strengthening the management of in-stock projects and revising the sales data of commercial housing for check-out. (two) to strengthen the statistical law enforcement, and to correct the data found in the statistical law enforcement inspection in accordance with the relevant provisions. (3) Strengthen data quality management, and exclude non-real estate development project investment and mortgage sales data.

The Beijing News (Reporter Ni Wei) It has been more than a year since the Beijing municipal administrative center moved into the city sub-center. How is this axis-aligned, Chinese-Western integrated building group used? Zhu Xiaodi, chief designer of the first phase of the administrative office area of the sub-center, recently told the Beijing News reporter that the office area is running well and can be regarded as a representative office building of the China government.

　

Zhu Xiaodi is the chief architect of Beijing Architectural Design and Research Institute Co., Ltd., and also a famous architect in China. He has participated in urban construction for more than 30 years, designed famous buildings such as SOHO Modern City, Shenzhen Cultural Center and "Landscape Tower", and also participated in a series of old city renewal projects such as No.222 West Polishing Factory Street and Beijing Square.

　

In view of the protection and renovation of the old city and the reuse of old factories, Zhu Xiaodi believes that they are actually facing some same issues, such as introducing social resources to balance the contradiction between input and return, and paying attention to functional positioning and industrial planning, so that industries suitable for specific spaces can develop continuously for a long time.

[Profile] Zhu Xiaodi, chief designer of the first phase of the administrative office area of the city sub-center. Zhu Xiaodi is the chief architect of Beijing Architectural Design and Research Institute Co., Ltd., and also a famous architect in China. He has participated in urban construction for more than 30 years, designed famous buildings such as SOHO Modern City, Shenzhen Cultural Center and "Landscape Tower", and also participated in a series of old city renewal projects such as No.222 West Polishing Factory Street and Beijing Square. Beijing News reporter Hou Shaoqing photo

The first phase of the administrative office area of the city sub-center is running well.

　

Beijing News:The first phase of the administrative office area of the sub-center has been stationed for a whole year. How to evaluate the operation of this year? Has the original design idea been fully realized?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:The administrative office area of the sub-center is not only a modern building complex, but also a cultural image and symbol to face the future. The most fundamental thing is the exchange, collision, communication and integration of eastern and western cultures.

　

The main buildings in the first phase of the administrative office area are arranged in the way of north-south counterpoint and east-west symmetry, which plays the role of "distinguishing the square from the square". Through the layout of axis alignment, the building forms a complete and reasonable community. At the same time, it also integrates the experience and wisdom of all aspects of contemporary urban construction in technology.

　

The first phase of the building is integrated with the surrounding squares, greening, lighting, indicating and guiding systems, etc. Now, it seems that the overall operation is relatively good. The government office building in China is a unique type. In this type, I think the first phase of the administrative office area of the sub-center should be representative.

　

Government office buildings also have their own characteristics, such as the basic use of north-south direction. Then the south direction is different from the north direction, and the low-rise and high-rise offices. For example, the lighting in the north direction is not as good as that in the south direction, but it is impossible to make a single corridor. On the one hand, it is too wasteful, and it will also bring problems of heat insulation and cold protection, and the energy loss is great.

　

The adaptive industrial function is limited, so the protection of the old city should pay attention to the functional orientation.

　

Beijing News:Last year, you participated in the planning of an exhibition "Born in the Old", which showed the achievements of Beijing’s old city renewal in the past ten years, as well as international and domestic urban renewal cases. What was the purpose?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:Last year was the 10th anniversary of beijing design week and the 10th anniversary of Design Week’s participation in Beijing’s urban renewal. Taking this opportunity, the exhibition is not only a professional summary in the industry, but also a demonstration of the old city protection experience including Beijing, with the goal of achieving better results in Beijing’s next urban renewal.

　

In fact, during the renewal of the old city, a number of well-known works designed by architects emerged, which became the focus of social attention, or a "punch card" place, and there were award-winning projects at home and abroad.

　

The renovation of a small courtyard may be only a few hundred square meters, but it has attracted great attention from the society and even the international attention, which shows that the protection of the old city is not only a specific problem of housing renovation and renewal, but also a social problem to be considered and solved. These buildings themselves are also representative attempts, which will play a role in the protection and renewal of the old city.

　

Beijing News:What is the more important work besides these eye-catching designs for the protection and renewal of the old city?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:The old city of Beijing is composed of many traditional quadrangles and residential courtyard units, with a very large area and quantity. It is impossible to form a wide-ranging development trend in a short time simply by the work of architects.

　

To really protect and update the old city and achieve certain results in a short time, I think the most important thing is the pre-work, that is, to do a good job in project planning and functional positioning, and even later operation.

　

When we look ahead, we will find that the industries, functions and resources that can really adapt to the old city space are still very limited. For example, the spatial pattern of the old city is relatively narrow, which is different from the functional needs of modern cities; The lack of adaptability of traditional buildings to cold and hot weather conditions will also affect their use. On the other hand, there are still some problems in the old city, such as transportation, housing rent and so on, and the functions and formats that can remain in such a space for long-term development are very limited.

　

Especially in the East and West Cities, once a large number of courtyard spaces are sorted out, once there is a lack of functional resources, space will form competition, and it is also a waste to handle it badly. Therefore, I think that although the architects’ designs may have their own styles, they will find that the architectural style does not have the uniqueness of rational use of functions, and this is the difficulty, and even they will face secondary transformation. Therefore, in order to effectively protect and update, it is necessary to do a good job in the later operation.

　

The investment in old city renewal is large and the return is slow, so social resources should be encouraged to enter.

　

Beijing News:Will this also involve whether the investment and return of the old city renewal project can form a virtuous circle?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:At present, there are some policy constraints and management system constraints, which are basically supported by the government or state-owned assets. Imagine that if the government has invested heavily, it will be difficult to continue to support it one day, because the cost is very large and it will continue to invest. I think there is still a breakthrough, giving full play to the role of social resources in the protection and renewal of the old city and the role of indigenous people.

　

Beijing News:In recent years, Beijing’s annual key work arrangements will mention the requirements of strengthening the overall protection of the old city, protecting the texture of hutongs and quadrangles. What suggestions do you have?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:Beijing’s new master plan mentions that the old city can no longer be demolished. This sentence extends a little understanding. Is it possible to determine the service life of the old city buildings or the ownership and use rights of houses for a long time?

　

The design service life of newly-built residential buildings and the transfer life of the right to use are stipulated, 70 or 50 years. We propose that the old city can no longer be demolished, so should the service life of the old city buildings and the service life of private owners be more clearly defined? This will give a clear signal to the society that the return generated by the input cost can be shared over a longer period of time, which will help social capital and individuals to invest more actively in the protection and utilization of old buildings.

　

Otherwise, everyone is waiting, and the aborigines may also have such considerations, fearing that they will move one day, thus forming a state of making do and making do. Individual homeowners may give up the renovation plan and let it decline because they don’t know how many years they can live here. I think we should not only play the role of the government or state-owned assets, but also give full play to the enthusiasm of house owners, users and even all aspects of society to participate in the protection of the old city.

　

Old factories need to be filled with suitable formats to form industrial concentration.

　

Beijing News:Beijing is currently promoting the transformation of old factories into cultural parks. As of September last year, the city has sorted out 774 old factories, including 248 in the sixth district of the city. What is the uniqueness of this space resource of old factories?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:Whether it is the old city or the industrial heritage, architecture should play a specific role. Why do we like industrial heritage space? Because the industrial heritage is closer to the life of modern people, working in such a space can make you feel more about the historical development process. In fact, the concepts of the future, fashion and design are discussed above, which are not realistic things, so we need such a space to do it and stimulate imagination.

　

The old factories in Beijing still have the problems mentioned above. I think the difficulty lies here in what kind of format can adapt to and fully fill the constantly developed space. For example, some factories focus on the film industry, while others focus on the design industry. With positioning, industrial concentration can be better formed, thus developing on a large scale. This may be a problem that needs to be solved now, otherwise resources will be wasted.

　

Beijing News:Suzhou, Hangzhou and other cities are now facing the problem of old city protection and renewal. Why do major cities concentrate on this stage?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:Since 2012, China society has entered a new stage of development, from the high-speed development in the past to the medium-high-speed development, and the whole society has to transform from the incremental development stage to the stock development stage.

　

At this stage, the space for the incremental development of urban space has narrowed. For example, some megacities have demarcated the boundaries of urban development, and urban leaders should pay more attention to how the stock resources can fill the shortcomings. In the process of rapid development for decades, some problems and contradictions remain very obvious. If the problems are not solved, the incremental development will be curbed, and the population attraction and urban vitality will be reduced.

　

Then these stocks are reflected in the old city renewal problem, the old community problem, industrial heritage protection and so on. Government departments should realize that in the process of transferring incremental development into stock development, they should make full use of the existing incremental development bonus. Once this bonus disappears, stock development will lose its momentum, because it is impossible to invest without money. Unlike incremental development, stock development is a continuous and overlapping process.

　

The stricter the planning, the more dialogue is needed to supplement it.

　

Beijing News:In the implementation of urban planning, how can all forces participate in urban construction?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:The stricter the planning, the more dialogue mechanisms are needed to supplement it, so as to ensure that the public interests of the city are reflected in the urban public space and the space can get more sustainable development.

　

For example, building the ground floor overhead, adding some arcades along the street, giving space to the city, and making the venues of some projects available for public use can all reflect the friendly and open situation of single building projects to the city, which should be encouraged more in urban planning.

　

How to encourage it specifically? It may be necessary to balance interests. For example, if the ground floor is overhead, is it allowed to be built higher? Green space is open to the public, can you get some fees? Otherwise, every builder will be surrounded by walls, and the city will become more and more blocked and narrower. I think that in the process of planning implementation, more multi-faceted and multi-level dialogues can make the use of urban space more diverse and rich.

　

Beijing News:How do people have a say in the public space around them?

　

Zhu Xiaodi:The urban dialogue platform marks the maturity of urban management and also reflects the relationship between the city and the people. For example, some street parks and pocket parks, which are closely related to people’s lives, should listen to the opinions of the people more. In fact, it can be more targeted for architects to design.

　

For example, some communities are seriously aging, and public spaces need more sunshine, leisure and communication to meet the needs of the elderly. Design should pay more attention to these needs and give some strategies, instead of simply making a concept and a design. The purpose is to attract everyone’s attention or to do more practical work.

　

Beijing News reporter Ni Wei cooperation reporter Hou Shaoqing

Editor Chen Si proofreads Wei Zhuo.

Three insurances and one gold: a comprehensive guide to payment and use

In today’s society, three insurances and one gold are very important for every worker. Three insurances and one fund include endowment insurance, medical insurance, unemployment insurance and housing accumulation fund. So, how should they be paid and used?

First of all, let’s learn about the payment method.

The payment of endowment insurance is usually shared by units and individuals according to a certain proportion. The proportion of unit contributions is generally 16%, and the proportion of individual contributions is 8%. The specific payment base will be determined according to local regulations and personal salary level.

The payment of medical insurance is also divided into two parts: units and individuals. The unit contribution ratio is about 6% to 10%, and the individual contribution ratio is generally 2%.

Unemployment insurance, the unit contribution ratio is usually 0.5% to 1%, and the individual contribution ratio is generally 0.5%.

The proportion of housing provident fund payment is between 5% and 12%, which is also paid by units and individuals.

Let’s take a look at how they are used.

After reaching the statutory retirement age and accumulating payment for a certain number of years, you can receive a monthly pension to provide protection for your later life.

Medical insurance can be used to pay medical expenses such as outpatient service, hospitalization and drug purchase, thus reducing the medical burden.

Unemployment insurance can receive unemployment insurance benefits for a certain period of time when employment is interrupted without my will.

The housing accumulation fund is mainly used for purchasing, building and renovating self-occupied housing, or repaying the principal and interest of housing loans.

Here is a table to compare their payment and use characteristics more clearly:

The correct payment and use of three insurances and one gold has many characteristics.

For individuals, it provides a stable guarantee, so that you can rely on it when facing problems such as old-age care, medical care and unemployment. At the same time, the housing provident fund also helps to realize the housing dream.

For enterprises, paying three insurances and one gold according to law is helpful to attract and retain talents and enhance the competitiveness and image of enterprises.

It should be noted that local policies may be different, and the specific payment and use regulations shall be subject to local laws, regulations and policies.

In a word, understanding and correctly handling the payment and use of "three insurances and one fund" is of great significance for personal life planning and security, as well as the stable development of enterprises.

[Disclaimer] This article only represents the author’s own views and has nothing to do with Hexun. Hexun.com is neutral about the statements and opinions in this article, and does not provide any express or implied guarantee for the accuracy, reliability or completeness of the contents. Readers are requested for reference only, and please take full responsibility. Email: news_center@staff.hexun.com.

[car home Industry] See you in car home E Week to learn about the major events in the auto industry this week. In November this week, various car companies have released their sales data, most of which are very bright, especially the new force of making cars. The ideal monthly sales exceeded 40,000, and AITO asked the world to break through 10,000 again with the help of the new M7. Chery’s monthly sales exceeded 200,000 vehicles for the first time … What other hot news are there this week? Let’s take a look.

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■CARIAD China joins hands with vivo to build joint innovation lab.
■The new model (|) has broken 80,000 units in 50 days.
■The top five in the list will be reshuffled, and the sales list of new forces in October will be reshuffled.
■Year-on-year growth of 50.8% Chery Group’s monthly sales exceeded 200,000 vehicles for the first time.
■Earn 100 million a day? BYD released its third-quarter earnings report.
■A new round of personnel changes has been released by the Great Wall involving tanks/Wei Pai.
■The Federation announced the estimated sales of new energy vehicle manufacturers in October.
■Covering 21 cities, looking forward to the first batch of direct-operated stores has been put into trial operation.

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CARIAD China joins hands with vivo to build joint innovation lab.

CARIAD China, a software company under Volkswagen Group, announced a cross-border cooperation and established the "Mobile X Mobility Fusion Joint Innovative Lab" (M Lab) with vivo, a leading smartphone manufacturer in China. In this cooperation, CARIAD China’s R&D capabilities in software and hardware integration and travel products will be better combined with vivo’s products and application ecology in the mobile phone industry, providing consumers with a better interconnection experience from smart cars to mobile terminals.

The above cooperation is based on the "Yuanchuang Lab" of CARIAD China Local Innovation R&D Center. The cooperation between the two parties includes, but is not limited to, the two-way synchronization and integration of the human-computer interaction interface between the smart phone and the smart car, the integration and sharing of user data in the car, the seamless connection and smooth flow of smart applications inside and outside the car, and the sharing of hardware resources and sensors between the smart phone and the smart car, etc., so as to promote the continuous iterative upgrade of hand-car integration and technology.

It is reported that the cooperation between CARIAD China and vivo has achieved initial results. Such as the "Gamebase" that provides users with an immersive cockpit game experience with the computing power and ecosystem of smart phones, as well as the space, big screen and air conditioning in the car; For example, "Touch&Go", which realizes convenient access and flexible control of vehicle information by mobile phone, is realized through user-defined mobile phone interface widgets and rich vehicle status information and vehicle control functions.

The new M7 has broken 80,000 sets in 50 days.

AITO brand officially announced that the new model M7, which is positioned as a medium and large SUV, has exceeded 80,000 units in 50 days. This car was officially launched on September 12th. There are five models in total, and the price range is 249,800-329,800 yuan. Compared with the old models, the price has been lowered.

In appearance, the original design style is maintained as a whole, and the intelligent driving version adds a laser radar to the roof. In addition, the new car body was re-opened, the body structure was upgraded, the welding production line was rebuilt, and brand-new high-strength steel and composite body materials were adopted. The interior has fine-tuned the color of the steering wheel, which is consistent with the theme color in the car. The 10.25-inch curved full LCD instrument panel and the 15.6-inch central control panel have replaced most physical buttons, and the HarmonyOS intelligent cockpit system has been built in.

The top five in the list will be reshuffled, and the sales list of new forces in October will be reshuffled.

At the beginning of the month, major car companies announced their sales records in October, and most car companies ushered in a double increase in the chain and year-on-year. The sales of new car companies such as Ideal, Tucki and Zero Run are very eye-catching, with Ideal breaking through 40,000 units for the first time, Tucki breaking through 20,000 units and Zero Run approaching the 20,000-unit mark.

In addition, Ai ‘an has declined compared with September. Deep Blue’s October data also showed a 10.7% month-on-month decline. In October, a total of 15,513 new cars were delivered, up 89.7% year-on-year. Weilai has steadily improved, with a year-on-year increase of 59.8%. A total of 13,077 vehicles were delivered in October, up 8.5% month-on-month and 29.2% year-on-year, and the delivery results were relatively stable.

AITO delivered a total of 12,700 vehicles in October, up 5.6% year-on-year, and the overall performance was relatively stable. Among them, the new model M7 delivered 10,547 vehicles. Thanks to the success of the new model M7, the sales volume of AITO returned to 10,000 vehicles.

Year-on-year growth of 50.8% Chery Group’s monthly sales exceeded 200,000 vehicles for the first time.

Chery Group released sales data in October, and Chery Group sold 200,313 cars in October, up 50.8% year-on-year. The monthly sales volume exceeded 200,000 vehicles for the first time, setting a new record again. In the past four months, Chery Group has continuously crossed a new level of monthly sales of 150,000, 170,000, 190,000 and 200,000. From January to October, Chery Group sold 1,453,550 vehicles, up 41.6% year-on-year.

In terms of specific brands, the Chery brand sold 140,360 vehicles in October, a year-on-year increase of 50.3%; From January to October, the sales volume was 1,049,734 vehicles, a year-on-year increase of 35.8%; This is also the first time that the sales volume of Chery brand of the Group has exceeded one million vehicles during the year. Xingtu brand sold 14,834 vehicles in October, a year-on-year increase of 127.9%; From January to October, the sales volume was 94,919 vehicles, up 121.1% year-on-year. Jietu brand sold 38,053 vehicles in October, a year-on-year increase of 51.2%; From January to October, the sales volume was 232,082 vehicles, a year-on-year increase of 64.7%.

Earn 100 million a day? BYD released its third-quarter earnings report.

On October 31st, BYD Co., Ltd. released its performance report for the third quarter of 2023. The report shows that BYD’s revenue in the third quarter was 162.151 billion yuan, a year-on-year increase of 38.49%; The net profit attributable to shareholders of listed companies in the third quarter was 10.413 billion yuan, up 82.16% year-on-year.

In the first three quarters of this year, BYD achieved operating income of 422.275 billion yuan, a year-on-year increase of 57.75%; The net profit of returning to the mother was 21.367 billion yuan, up 129.47% year-on-year. Based on this calculation, BYD earned 113 million yuan in the third quarter and 78 million yuan in the first three quarters.

The growth of BYD’s revenue and net profit benefited from its rapidly growing sales of new energy vehicles. In September this year, BYD sold 287,500 new energy vehicles, including 286,900 passenger cars, up 42.8% year-on-year. From January to September this year, the cumulative sales volume was 2,079,600 vehicles, up 76.23% year-on-year, and 69.3% of its annual sales target (3 million vehicles) has been achieved, which also means that BYD will complete the monthly sales of 310,000 vehicles in the remaining three months.

A new round of personnel changes has been released by the Great Wall involving tanks/Wei Pai.

On November 3rd, CGO Li Ruifeng of Great Wall Motor Co., Ltd. released new personnel change information on the domestic social platform, and Liu Yanzhao will concurrently be the general manager of Wei brand and tank brand, taking charge of the overall management of Wei brand and tank brand; Zhao Yongpo will be the general manager of Haval brand, taking charge of the overall management of Haval brand; Gu Yukun, the commodity director of the original Tank 500 (Parameter | Inquiry | Panoramic Car Watching), will be the executive deputy general manager of the tank brand.

Liu Yanzhao has always been the chief technology officer of Wei brand, and he is very familiar with the product development and technical accumulation of Wei brand. This time, he will also be the general manager of Wei brand, and will also improve Wei brand into a high-end new energy brand with leading technology and users first.

Zhao Yongpo has been deeply involved in the technical field for 20 years, and once served as the deputy general manager of Great Wall Motor Technology Center. This turn to the marketing field will listen to users’ voices more intuitively and deeply, create products that are more competitive and more in line with users’ usage scenarios, and bring more new ideas for Harvard brand. Gu Yukun, as the executive deputy general manager of the tank brand, will take on more responsibilities and exert greater value, so that the successful experience of Tank 500 can empower more products.

The Federation announced the estimated sales of new energy vehicle manufacturers in October.

The Federation announced the estimated wholesale sales of new energy passenger car manufacturers in October 2023. See the figure below for the specific brand sales. The Federation comprehensively estimated that the wholesale sales volume of new energy passenger car manufacturers in October was 890,000, up 32% year-on-year and 7% quarter-on-quarter. From January to October this year, it was estimated that 6.8 million vehicles were wholesale, up 36% year-on-year.

With the continuous overweight of the national consumption promotion policy and the sustained stabilization of the economy, the sales of new energy passenger car manufacturers nationwide maintained a strong growth trend this year. In October, the terminal preferential policies and promotion policies continued. The "Eleventh" superimposed the Mid-Autumn Festival holiday, and there were many auto shows and promotion activities in various places, which promoted the terminal heat growth during the two festivals. After the "Eleventh" period, the terminal resumed its normal sales rhythm, and the market fever dropped slowly, and "golden nine silver ten" became "silver nine gold ten".

Covering 21 cities, looking forward to the first batch of direct-operated stores has been put into trial operation.

Looking up to the official car, I hope that the first batch of direct-operated stores have been put into trial operation. The first batch of stores covered 21 cities including Shanghai, Hangzhou, Shenzhen, Chengdu and Qingdao. In addition, stores in Beijing, Guangzhou, Foshan, Dongguan, Jinan, Guiyang, Kunming and other cities are about to start trial operation.

By the end of this year, Wangyang Automobile will open more than 90 direct stores in more than 40 cities across the country. At present, there are more than 70 directly operated stores under construction in China. Looking up to Auto said that all future sales and after-sales services will be fully operated, providing two types of stores: looking up to the exhibition hall store and looking up to the center store. Among them, looking to the central store to provide brand experience, sales, delivery, after-sales service, etc., some central stores have also built the ultimate technical experience zone, and the first central store in China will also settle in Beijing this year. (Text/car home Yang Yichun)

The daily tasks of the anti-cold hand tour include Qingya book, daily copy and gang’s freight task. After completion, you can get jade binding, equipment, treasure map and upgrade materials. Generally speaking, the number of tasks per day is not much. Occasionally, if you don’t finish the task for a day or two, it won’t have a great impact. It is relatively free and there are no too many restrictions on players.

A list of daily tasks of anti-cold mobile games

1. Qingya Book:

Most of this task can be finished soon, and it doesn’t take too much time to complete. Moreover, after completion, you can also get jade binding, equipment, treasure maps and some materials needed for upgrading, especially the materials needed for upgrading. By the middle and late stage, more roles need to be upgraded, which becomes very scarce items. If you have your own tasks that you don’t want to do, you can also use the refresh function to reset new tasks.

2. Daily copy:

The number of times to brush this copy is only three times a day. If you pass the customs smoothly, you will not only get some good-quality equipment, but also have the opportunity to get internal skills and some distinctive decorations. From the reward point of view, it is quite rich, and the time to brush the daily copy does not need to spend too much.

3. The delivery task of the gang:

This task is quite easy to complete, and only when players join a gang can they be qualified to take this task. You only need to provide the props that the gang requires every day, and you can get the contribution value of the gang, which is very important in the later stage and can help players get more resources and experience.

Generally speaking, in this game, the number of tasks that need to be completed every day is not much, and it will not have a great impact if you don’t complete the task for a day or two occasionally. This game is still relatively free and there are no too many restrictions on players.

(Ada black, blue, red and orange four-color photo release)

　　A few days ago, Ada released a set of publicity photos with intellectual style. Four styles were monochrome-themed, and four colors of black, blue, red and orange appeared simply. Facing the camera, Ada showed a confident smile and was full of intellectual elegance. Earlier, she attended a brand endorsement event in Beijing, interacted enthusiastically with the audience, and sang a new song "Love Reuters Spring", which once caused riots on the spot. In the group interview after the event, Ada’s quick words were amazing, not only revealing the embarrassing incident of being blocked by fans in the toilet, responding to online controversial topics, but also revealing her weight and claiming to be fat, which made people sigh that the crew of "The War of Two Women" was closed for three months.
　　
　　When fans express their self-deprecation and are thick-skinned, filming encounters a big photo in front of the toilet.
　　
　　"I love diving very much, and then leave a message for others." The first question thrown by the reporter is to let Ada read a blog post @ Ada that was just searched out on the Internet. The netizen in the article made a disgusting confession to Ada and asked Liu Yanjie if he didn’t mind his fat. "I just found this myself. It depends on where his fat grows. I don’t know him, but thank him for his love for me." Seeing that netizens sang for themselves and sent their own selfies, Ada ridiculed: "This piece is eight pounds, and the side looks quite like me!" Anyone familiar with Ada knows that Ada often dives online, and from time to time, she replies to fans, leaving messages to netizens, which surprises people, so that fans who are used to her hobby often leave messages online actively, expecting Ada’s "flirting", and once she replies, she shouts that she has been "flipped" by the goddess. For this kind of behavior, Ada laughed and said that he was also enjoying it. He also said that he was actually very cheeky, and no matter what netizens said, he rarely felt embarrassed.
　　
　　But it is this Liu Dadan who claims to be cheeky, but he has encountered embarrassing things in the crew. Ada revealed that when filming "The War of Two Women" in Shanghai, the conditions were difficult, and changing clothes was often done in a small tent that could only accommodate one person. If you encounter clothes with zippers on the back, you should turn your back to the tent door and ask the dressmaker to reach in and help. But what embarrassed her was that she once filmed in the street and met a group of middle school students who rode bikes for an outing. Although they were educated youth, the students quickly recognized Ada and began to chase after him by bike, so Ada got on the prop bike of the crew and started running all the way. After getting off the bus, Ada was shocked. She was a little embarrassed because her little friend for an outing persevered in chasing after her all the way, because her original intention was not to avoid the onlookers, but to take a three-minute leave with the crew and rush out to go to the toilet. "I really wanted to go to the toilet. I was wearing a costume and riding and riding with two very rustic braided hair. They chased and chased, hahahahahaha. Finally, I took photos with them at the door of the toilet, which was a little embarrassing." Speaking of this episode, Ada is also very happy and affectionate.
　　
　　Just after making the media reporters laugh, Ada suddenly put away his smile and said seriously, "In fact, I like to search for my own news, not narcissism, but I like to search for photos that I was photographed while filming or hosting. I will see what kind of person Ada is from their perspective. Some people say that I love being black, I am not being black, I am really telling the truth, I am not perfect. "
　　
　　Respond to the variety show and say: I just really want to win and don’t want to disappoint my friends.
　　
　　Since her debut, Ada, who is riddled with topics, has inevitably encountered very spicy questions in every interview, and her every move, no matter what the original intention is or under what circumstances, will attract a lot of disputes. In the variety show "The Chamber of Stars" broadcast not long ago, Ada took advantage of the opportunity that Sun Jian gave up, allied with Zhou Mi, and PK lost Xie Yilin, and finally won the championship of the current program. Once the program was broadcast, it was criticized by netizens. Many netizens went to Ada’s personal homepage to leave a message questioning. For a time, Ada was portrayed as a scheming woman with great talent.
　　
　　In this group interview, a reporter did throw out this hot question and asked Ada to respond to the online scheming. "I’m actually aboveboard, but I can understand why people say I’m scheming, because people are not satisfied with me and Zhou Mi League PK Xie Yilin. In fact, I did that because I really wanted to win, because that was the chance that Sun Jian gave me at the expense of himself. How can I not cherish it and not fight? As for the alliance, Zhou Mi squeezes out Xie Yilin, it is really because Zhou Mi and I are friends, and of course we will choose to ally with him. I also know why women are embarrassed, and I also appreciate Xie Yilin in private. " Ada replied.
　　
　　Despite the constant controversy, Ada’s popularity in the circle in recent years is obvious to all and undeniable. It seems that no matter how the outside world slanders this woman and throws dirty water on her, it is just paving the way for her popularity. Talking about the reason, Ada said: "That’s because my charm comes from my diligence, and I have positive energy."
　　
　　Married before the age of 35 like Jay Chou, then who, waiting for me to come to you?
　　
　　Good things happened in the entertainment circle in November, and Wong Cho Lam proposed marriage successfully, ending the long-distance running of love; Gao Yuanyuan married Taipei, Mark Chao, and became the perfect spokesman for the love between brother and sister. Ada, who became best friends with Gao Yuanyuan in last year’s hit TV series "Let’s Get Married", was also invited to the wedding. Unfortunately, she was tied up with work and could not go. Naturally, Ada’s lifelong event has become a topic of common concern to the media and fans, and it is also a question that she has been asked repeatedly.
　　
　　"I’m sure I still think about feelings. I hope to get married before the age of 35, just like what Jay Chou said about getting married at the age of 35. I still have a little time, so I’ll refuel. "Ada, who just spent his 34th birthday in Pancake Man, claimed to be married before the age of 35, probably because he realized that the task was arduous and the time was short. In the end, Ada himself could not help laughing. Despite this, she still released her brave words to the future Mr.Right: "You wait, I will come to you." Although this person hasn’t been around, Ada doesn’t feel lonely. "I have my Ada studio, which was just set up two months ago, and then I have my own new game studio. There are many friends around me. The person who is missing is of course better. " It seems that Ada, who keeps saying that she hates to marry, has put more thoughts and fun into her work.
　　
　　Ada, who has always been called "Liu Dadan", often speaks amazingly. His views on many things can be described as a burst of blood, and he also exposes himself from time to time, which makes people feel ashamed. "I won’t go on a diet. I’m really a fat girl among actresses in the entertainment industry, and I’m not afraid to reveal my weight. The last time I weighed it, I seemed to weigh 102, and I was only 163. I really should have hit the wall and died. But I don’t recommend girls to go on a diet. "

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(Ada black, blue, red and orange four-color photo release)

　　　　(Source: Hong Kong Ming Pao)

　　　　(Source: Hong Kong Ming Pao)

　　　　BEIJING, Aug. 23 (Xinhua) In early July this year, Zhu Peiqing, the married director of Hong Kong Broadcasting, and Yan Nv were swimming arm in arm in the downtown area of Causeway Bay. When their interest was strong, they ran into a large number of media covering Zhong Zhentao’s concert. Because he drank too much, he saw the media rushing to take pictures, and he was at a loss for a moment. He subconsciously covered himself with his female companion and hurriedly avoided it. He even hid his face from the camera with his hand, which made him look embarrassed. Later, he rushed into a karaoke bar and restaurant to take shelter. Hong Kong’s Bauhinia magazine published an article saying that as a result, this news sensationalized the whole city and became the headlines of many newspapers in Hong Kong. Under the pressure of public opinion, Zhu Peiqing finally had to die in disgrace.

　　　　The most noteworthy thing about this pleasure-seeking incident is the monitoring power of the media; The media removed this senior official within four days. In the process, Zhu Peiqing’s hard-earned image was destroyed without any pressure from the government, parliamentarians, the Independent Commission Against Corruption, the Immigration Department or the investigation committee, and Zhu Peiqing lost his career.

　The media pulled down Zhu Peiqing in a moment.

　　　　According to media reports, at about 10 o’clock that night, when more than 10 entertainment reporters were interviewing Zhong Zhentao’s mini concert in a bar in Causeway Bay, someone suddenly found a figure who looked like Zhu Peiqing stepping out of a special elevator in a high-end private club, and a glamorous girl even held his hand. The two of them were talking and laughing. After careful study, they decided that the person in front of them was Zhu Peiqing. At first, they were still hesitant to interview, because senior officials had nothing to do with entertainment news, but suddenly someone said, "Go!" Everyone swarmed. If this group of entertainment reporters change their minds and think that this belongs to the private life of senior officials, then Zhu Peiqing can escape.

　　　　In fact, the scene of Zhu Peiqing walking arm in arm with a gorgeous girl was too late for a group of entertainment reporters to take pictures. The photos published in the newspaper were only the moment when he escaped from the camera. On the night of the incident, Zhu Peiqing issued a statement through the communication director of RTHK, saying that Zhu Peiqing attended a private event in the evening and apologized for his "improper performance" on behalf of Zhu Peiqing.

　　　　The day after the incident, the media handled it differently. Many newspapers reported on the front page, and some newspapers even made a full-page report supplemented by other relevant data. The headlines were "Zhu Peiqing’s gorgeous makeup girl avoids reporters" and "Zhu Peiqing’s gorgeous female peers avoid the media in a panic", etc. I believe this is because these media think that high-ranking officials are different from people in the entertainment industry or business. Because the news was extremely provocative and entertaining, many newspapers followed it up in an all-round way in the next few days, pursued Zhu Peiqing, began to expose the inside story, traced the life story of the gorgeous girl and all kinds of details of the day, and visited Zhu Peiqing’s wife, which was tantamount to sprinkling a handful of salt on Zhu Peiqing’s wound. Although Zhu Peiqing hasn’t snorted for days, the media still have the ability to describe the plot vividly.

　Chasing down Zhu’s historical exposure of "hooking up"

　　　　For example, a Hong Kong magazine paid Yan Nv, the heroine in the incident, more than HK$ 10,000 for an exclusive interview with her, and Yan Nv personally told Zhu Peiqing’s "record of seeking pleasure" that night. Yan girl recalled that Zhu Peiqing, who was slightly drunk, held her in her arms that night. The two chatted in Mandarin mixed with Cantonese. His mouth kept praising her beauty and pressed her chest, and invited her to dance naked on the table. After a round of crazy dance, Zhu Peiqing finally couldn’t help it. He asked the "mother" for a price and asked to take Yan girl out and prepare to go to her nearby home. The consumption of Zhu Peiqing alone is as high as 10 thousand yuan.

　　　　Then there was a local weekly magazine with "Zhu Peiqing’s Ten Years of Fun" as the cover story, which revealed that Zhu Peiqing was the insider of the carnival veteran from the night show "Mom Born". The article points out that Zhu Peiqing, who is known as "cautious Zhu", is famous for his watch. No, in the eyes of friends, he is a modest gentleman, but in fact he is an eager man. The mother said that Zhu Peiqing was a regular customer of the high-end nightclub. Before the return, he had visited KARA, the predecessor of the high-end nightclub, and had been having fun for at least ten years. She also said that Zhu Peiqing is familiar with the boyfriend of Yan Girl’s "mother-born". From time to time, he visits together or brings four or five friends to the scene. Every time, he asks the young lady to accompany him. Generally, he only drinks and sings old songs, but when he plays, they love to spend thousands of dollars to ask the young lady to dance naked on the table.

　　　　In addition, some local newspapers spared no expense to send personnel to Sichuan, the hometown of Yan girl in the incident, to make a follow-up report, in order to uncover the mystery of Yan girl’s life experience, and made a great article on how she changed from a pure peasant girl to a hostess, and even visited her grandmother who raised her in those days, and wrote in a sensational way: "My grandmother still looks forward to seeing her granddaughter day and night" and "When she looked at the hostess with heavy makeup in the newspaper, she didn’t recognize Byakki Smoker, but she still did. Then the reporter visited Yan girl’s uncle. When he learned that his niece had fallen into the dust, he only said indifferently that he would not envy her, and her wealth had nothing to do with him. Some media even produced Zhu Peiqing’s Step-down Album, and newspapers in Macau, Taiwan Province, Singapore and Malaysia also widely reported the news.

　　　　Zhu Peiqing, who has been on leave since the incident and has not made a public appearance, was tossed about by the front page of the newspaper for four days, and finally held a press conference. In front of more than 100 reporters, he tearfully announced his decision to retire ten months early, and expressed his intention to leave the office as soon as possible to the government. At the meeting, he refused to respond whether to call prostitutes, only admitted that alcohol had an impact on behavior, and he had explained it to his wife and family and was supported by his family. He also stressed that there was no mistake in the evening’s activities on official business, and there was no problem of interest entertainment. He left for the overall interests of RTHK.

Senior officials step down at any time because of negative news.

　　　　Zhu Peiqing’s experience is reminiscent of Lin Huanguang, former director of the Chief Executive’s Office. On New Year’s Day in 2005, the paparazzi of the Hong Kong magazine Suddenly Week went to Japan to track down the film lovers Liang Chaowei and Carina Lau, but unexpectedly found married Lin Huanguang and his rumored girlfriend Bu Yingqi showing up at the Hyatt Hotel with their luggage. Lin Huanguang, who has been practicing in officialdom for a long time, was exposed by the media after this extramarital affair, and finally resigned, becoming the first senior official to resign because his private life was monitored by the media. However, he returned to the Jianghu after leaving the officialdom for one year, and was appointed as the chief executive officer of Olympic Equestrian Company Limited by the Hong Kong Government, responsible for organizing the equestrian events of the Beijing Olympic Games to be held in Hong Kong next year.

　　　　Recently, Li Guobao, a heavyweight in Hong Kong’s political and economic circles, was also involved in the Dow Jones insider trading case. As a director of Dow Jones, Li Guobao, the chairman of the Bank of East Asia, was suspected of leaking the company’s confidential documents and was involved in this scandal because Liang Jiaan, the daughter of good friend Liang Qixiong, and Wang Jingqin, her husband, took the lead in buying shares in Dow Jones before the news of News Corp’s acquisition of Dow Jones was announced. Earlier, Li Guobao issued a statement confirming that he had received a notice from the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to consider filing a civil lawsuit against him. However, he stressed that he did not violate any laws personally, and denied all the accusations made by the SEC against him, and he would resolutely defend them.

　　　　Li Guobao’s investigation by the Securities and Futures Commission of the United States caused a great shock to Hong Kong’s political and business circles. Both the Office of the Financial Secretary of the Hong Kong SAR Government and the Hong Kong Monetary Authority said that they would pay close attention to the development of the situation and consider the next contingency action from a political perspective, while the Monetary Authority and the Hong Kong Securities and Futures Commission rarely set up a similar crisis response team to deal with the incident. People in political circles who are familiar with financial affairs point out that it is estimated that this kind of case is not easy to be convicted, but as a party, Li Guobao’s reputation will inevitably be damaged under the extensive coverage of the international and Hong Kong media.

　Paparazzi are always waiting for celebrities to "have an accident"

　　　　In recent years, as Hong Kong people pay more and more attention to political affairs, they are increasingly interested in the gossip news of political celebrities. In addition to the news of people in the entertainment circle, the entertainment section of Hong Kong newspapers will also report the gossip of some wealthy businessmen and even political celebrities who are closely related to the entertainment circle to satisfy readers’ voyeurism. In addition, in recent years, in order to stimulate sales, newspapers have been blindly pursuing incitement, and they have not hesitated to give serious news a package close to entertainment news, making news reports "entertaining". When readers gradually approached the media to write political news by entertainment news, the paparazzi market for politicians came into being, and politicians became the new target of paparazzi.

　　　　These incidents have made the public deeply feel the power of media monitoring in Hong Kong. Although journalists are known as "uncrowned emperors" and have the function of monitoring the society, as journalists, they really have the responsibility to present news events objectively and truthfully to the public. Whether they should be "moral judges" and make a subjective judgment for news is really debatable.

　　　　Take Lin Huanguang as an example. His anecdote was actually exposed in the media long before he traveled with his girlfriend in Japan. However, the incident involved his wife’s response to the incident, and as a senior official, he did not want his personal feelings to be resolved by the media, which made the incident a fuse for his resignation. The incident even developed in an unexpected direction, that is, the public’s sympathy and support for Lin Huanguang.

　　　　At that time, a newspaper conducted an opinion poll. Among the more than 500 people interviewed, 55% thought that Lin Huanguang did not need to resign, 45% thought that the media should not report the private lives of senior officials and public figures, and only 37% agreed to report the news, reflecting that many interviewees blamed his resignation on extensive media reports. Radio programs have also received many calls from the public, arguing that he does not need to resign because of extramarital affairs. On the contrary, he thinks that the media should reflect on it and should not infringe on the privacy of public officials.

　　　　Looking around the world, the personal feelings of the French president, the mayors of San Francisco and Los Angeles are all bizarre, but the public will not confuse business with private affairs, and their political popularity has not been affected at all. On the other hand, in Hong Kong, Zhu Peiqing was smashed by the media for pleasure, and the whole thing really developed too fast. Under the fierce pursuit of the media, he chose to end his peach scandal with "early retirement" in just four days, and ended his working career in Hong Kong and Taiwan for more than 30 years. This incident clearly shows that media supervision has become a powerful force in society, and Zhu Peiqing’s political future can be sentenced to death quickly and ruthlessly. Public figures, especially politicians, should take this as a warning and realize that the lethality of the media must not be underestimated! (Lubao)

Editor: Li Xingchi

　　On the morning of May 17th, 2020 National Nutrition Week and the online kick-off meeting of "May 20th" China Student Nutrition Day were successfully held. The theme of this year’s National Nutrition Week is "reasonable diet, the cornerstone of immunity" and the slogan is "opening a new era of reasonable diet". The theme of China Students’ Nutrition Day is "Reasonable diet promotes three reductions, and good habits promote three health". The theme of the two activities is based on "reasonable diet". Yang Yuexin, chairman of China Nutrition Society, pointed out at the meeting that health and longevity have always been the pursuit and hope of human beings, and this year’s epidemic situation has once again inspired us to explore nutrition and immunity. To provide a sustainable overall immune function, not a single nutrient or a single measure can be achieved, which requires a reasonable diet.

　　Reasonable diet can improve human immune function.

　　Reasonable diet is the cornerstone of immunity, and nutrients are the material basis of immune system. Chairman Yang Yuexin emphasized that if one or several nutrients are lacking, the body will have corresponding disease symptoms, and infectious diseases will also have a vicious circle. On the contrary, if sufficient nutrients are supplemented, the body can play its best immune function.

　　Specifically, a reasonable diet is a personalized diet design, which mainly emphasizes that the types and proportions of food should meet the demands of personal physiology or disease or diet culture. For healthy people over two years old, a reasonable diet is a balanced diet; For others, a reasonable diet is a personalized diet based on the principle of balanced diet.

　　In order for students to better understand and obtain the health benefits of a reasonable diet, the China Student Nutrition and Health Promotion Association launched the initiative of "Reasonable Diet, Advocating Healthy Lifestyle" to primary and secondary school students all over the country. Students are advised to have a balanced diet and drink plenty of water. Eat meat, eggs, milk, beans and other foods rich in high-quality protein in moderation every day, and eat more fresh fruits and vegetables to supplement various vitamins and minerals and improve the body’s immunity. Develop good eating habits, eat less oil, salt and sugar, don’t overeat, don’t be picky about food, don’t drink raw water, don’t eat raw food, fast wild animals, and use public chopsticks and spoons to share meals.

　　Scientific intake

　　High quality protein such as milk, soybeans and eggs.

　　Promoting "high-quality protein sources such as milk, soybeans and eggs" is also a major focus of National Nutrition Week in 2020. Ms. Xu Yangying, the representative of the International Consumer Goods Forum, said when sharing the Big Data Report on Food Consumption in China from January to April, 2020, that the prolonged stay at home and the improvement of health awareness caused by the epidemic brought about changes in consumers’ lifestyles, and the trend of "healthy consumption" was obvious. This includes the increase in the intake of high-quality protein sources such as milk, soybeans and eggs.

　　The first is that consumers are more active in buying dairy products. Xu Yangying introduced: "Liquid milk performed well during this period, with a year-on-year increase of 3.3%. Although the whole category of yogurt has declined slightly, the low-temperature original yogurt is the best-selling list of store sales. " It is worth noting that when consumers choose yogurt, they should learn to check the sugar content in food labels to prevent excessive intake of sugar. Some lactose intolerant consumers can choose yogurt, cheese or low lactose dairy products first when buying dairy products.

　　Secondly, consumers’ consumption of soy products is also growing. "Among the top three bean products, there are both soybeans in soybeans and adzuki beans and mung beans in miscellaneous beans, and the growth rate of mung beans is over 50 times." Xu Yangying believes that this may be based on consumers’ cognition of the role of mung beans in traditional diets.

　　Soybeans and their products are rich in high-quality protein, essential fatty acids, vitamin E, soybean isoflavones, phytosterols and other phytochemicals. It is recommended to consume more than 25g of soy products every day. According to experts, there are two kinds of bean products, including soybeans, green beans and black beans, and miscellaneous beans including red beans, mung beans, flower beans, kidney beans, peas, chickpeas and broad beans. The protein content of miscellaneous beans is lower than that of soybeans, but they can be eaten with cereals, which plays a good complementary role between protein and cereals.

　　Finally, the national "nutrition consensus" on eggs has also achieved quite good results for eggs. In the first four months of 2020, the sales of eggs occupied the well-deserved top position among eggs.

　　As a good source of high-quality protein, eggs are also rich in vitamins, healthy phospholipids and monounsaturated fatty acids, so it is recommended to take them every day. However, it should be noted that you should not eat raw eggs, do not discard yolk, and try to choose less processed egg products with high salt content.

　　Five units initiated

　　Joint initiative of universal meal sharing system

　　The spread of the epidemic in COVID-19 has made people realize once again the importance of health and safety on the dining table, and also the urgency of advocating and practicing the separate meal system in the whole society. The Office of the National Nutrition and Health Steering Committee, the China Nutrition Society, the Chinese Preventive Medicine Association, the World Federation of Chinese Cuisine Industry and the China Cuisine Association jointly launched the nationwide meal sharing initiative. On the spot, relevant representatives jointly read out "Rational Diet, Promoting Separate Meals, Preventing Diseases and Reducing Waste — — Proposal for the National Meal Sharing System.

　　It is pointed out in the proposal that the implementation of national meal sharing is a proper move of table civilization, and it is also a practical need to prevent diseases and enhance health, especially the current epidemic prevention and control in COVID-19. Food diversification can be realized by dividing meals, and food can be distributed according to needs, and eating is not excessive, which is beneficial to reasonable diet and balanced nutrition. In addition, it can also reduce cross-infection, reduce the occurrence of food-borne diseases and infectious diseases, and also help to reduce food waste. Therefore, it is suggested that families, catering industries and canteens of organizations should actively promote the measures of "public chopsticks and public spoons" to create a good atmosphere for implementing the system of separate meals in the whole society and form a safe, nutritious and economical way of eating.

　　It is reported that from May 17 to May 24, the nutrition science popularization activities around the theme of "the cornerstone of reasonable dietary immunity" will be widely spread throughout the country. The National Nutrition Science Popularization Conference, the First China Nutrition Thirty Forum, 100 nutrition and health science popularization live broadcasts, the "nutrition speaker" science popularization live broadcasts, and the "reasonable diet immunization" Weibo activities will be launched one after another to popularize the knowledge and skills of reasonable diet. (Text/Beijing Youth Daily reporter Zhang Yanyan)

　　On October 1, 1949, founding ceremony, Mao Zedong solemnly declared to the world from the Tiananmen Gate: "The Central People’s Government of People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established today." The picture shows Mao Zedong reading the announcement of the Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China. China News Agency issued a photo by China News Agency

　　At 3pm on October 1st, 1949, People’s Republic of China (PRC) founding ceremony was held in Tiananmen Square. Mao Zedong personally pressed the button, and in the majestic melody of March of the Volunteers, the bright five-star red flag rose in the solemn eyes that people were looking forward to. 300,000 people stood together and looked up at the first national flag of New China. People were filled with emotion and blood boiling.

　　To welcome this great historical moment, on the eve of founding ceremony, the National Day Preparatory Team stepped up the renovation of Tiananmen Square, especially the construction of the national flagpole. With a high sense of responsibility and mission, construction workers have worked hard to tackle key problems and devoted themselves to the construction of national flagpoles.

　　The autumn of 1949 was an extraordinary season in the history of China.

　　On August 9-14 that year, at the first meeting of representatives from all walks of life in Beiping, a resolution was made to celebrate the founding of the People’s Republic of China and renovate Tiananmen Square. The Municipal People’s Government instructed the Construction Bureau to come up with a plan for the renovation of Tiananmen Square, with Zhao Pengfei, director of the Construction Bureau, as the commander-in-chief. One of the specific tasks of the renovation project is to build the national flagpole on the central axis located at the northern end of Tiananmen Square and between Tiananmen Gate and Zhengyangmen Gate.

　　Because in founding ceremony, Mao Zedong will personally raise the first five-star red flag of New China. Comrade Zhao Pengfei deeply felt the great responsibility he shouldered, and dared not neglect it. After careful planning and thinking, he made a specific division of labor for the whole project. Hand over the architectural design of white marble balustrade on the flagpole base to Zhong Hanxiong, the architect of the Construction Bureau; The structural design of flagpole was completed by Lin Zhiyuan, the technical director of the Construction Bureau and the person in charge of design and construction of the renovation project of Tiananmen Square.

　　Lin Zhiyuan was extremely excited after receiving the task assigned by the organization. The trust of the party and the government made him deeply feel the great responsibility on his shoulders. In order to live up to the trust of the organization, Lin Zhiyuan immediately devoted himself to his work. According to the requirements, the height of flagpole should be the same as that of Tiananmen Gate. After field measurement, the data obtained by Lin Zhiyuan is 35 meters high. It stands to reason that 35 meters is not very high, and there is no difficulty in making it. But at that time, just liberated Beijing, when everything was in a hurry, it was not easy to find out the materials suitable for flagpoles.

　　So, Lin Zhiyuan ran around asking about it, and finally learned that the city water company had some water pipes that could be replaced. Therefore, he immediately went to the water company, chose four water pipes with different diameters, and welded them section by section. However, after welding, the length is 22.5 meters, which can not meet the requirement of 35 meters high.

　　In desperation, he had to report the measurement results after welding to the Tiananmen National Day Project Headquarters. After listening to the report, the headquarters conducted research on the spot and solicited opinions from relevant parties, and finally determined that the height of the flag pole was 22.5 meters. Finally, the flagpole installed in Tiananmen Square was welded by four seamless steel pipes in the metalworking workshop of the Vehicle Factory of the Construction Bureau.